Tarun Vijay
5 July 2009
Organiser
Ayodhya belongs to us all, like Ram. Having made the nation wait for 17 long years, the Liberhan Commission report hasn’t made even an iota of difference. The only course left for the government now is to approach the Guinness Book of Records to get an award for the longest procrastination to the commission and carry on with the national business. If the Congress, in its zeal to encash on its value for Muslim appeasement, wants to create a scene after it, it will be in for a shock. Ayodhya is a difficult issue for it - its hands are everywhere from opening the locks to laying the foundation stone and later the Rao era.
The fact is no power can now shift the temple built on Ram Janma Bhumi. Daily puja is going on uninterruptedly, notwithstanding a terrorist attack on it. The chargesheets and the case etc. have lost their relevance. Those who took up the cause politically are a divided house, some converting to the neo-‘secularism’ and have lost all credibility in the public eye. Even if the temple was a long-distance call, they could have at least taken care of the Ayodhya city, its protectors and the carriers of an invaluable flow of traditions - the sadhus and mathadhipatis. They didn’t do anything.
Take care of Ayodhya.
It’s a city of Ram and India would be less than a nation if Ram is taken away or left isolated like a post-Columbus American-Indian village.
Turn Ayodhya into an international city of grandeur like Thailand has done to its own Ayutthaya. It’s a city defining India, the heritage, the immortal literature woven around it, the dreams and aspirations of people sung keeping it in the centre, the river Sarayu and the dust turned holier because Ram had played in it. It’s incredibly Indian and unbelievably divine. It will earn spiritual solace. Those who think in terms of euros and dollars won’t be disappointed. That would come with a political mileage for all times without ruffling any feathers or denting a vote bank.
After all, Rajiv Gandhi had started his election campaign from there, promising Ram Rajya. For a devout Sikh Manmohan Singh, Guru Granth Saheb has most adorable references to Ram. And for others, Ram is India, which has given them so much of respect and power without bothering about their religion or origin. Mohammad Iqbal, the famous poet had said: Ram is Imame Hind - the greatest icon of India. They all owe a great deal to repay a debt to this land’s civilisational power that has been soothing and compassionate to all coming from diverse backgrounds and having different ideas.
Don’t deny Ayodhya this time. Die unsung but be honest once to your conscience. Ayodhya has been ditched immeasurably by her own small-time courtiers.
Ayodhya deserves to be developed as an international city of Ram, the Prince of Ayodhya, who fought the devils and gave us reason to celebrate Diwali, now the global festival of lights. And his return to Ayodhya makes us enact Ram Lilas and burn effigies of an unrepentant wicked demon. That’s why we have a Vijaya Dashami, the Dushehra. Ayodhya is unquestioningly intertwined into the lives of billions of Hindus who would prefer a Ram Ram or Jai Siyaram as a salutation than a Namaste. The joys and sorrows of Sita, the Janaki, the Van-gaman, exile to the forest, the Luv and Kush episodes. And the ultimate JalSamadhi, self-immersion by Ram in Sarayu. It's all Ayodhya. Later Luv established Lahore and even the Pakistan government feels proud about this fact in its travel literature and Kush established Bedi clan, to which belonged Guru Goovind Singh Saheb as per his Bani, the holy words.
That's us put together. That’s Ayodhya’s legacy.
Make Ayodhya a union territory. A city extraordinaire must be maintained under extraordinary dispensation - central government. Let NRIs design and fund it. Reward the pujaris and sadhus who had been keeping the flame of dharma and city’s sanctity alive, living in penury, ignored and isolated. They deserve warmth of belongingness and we owe it to them. The bungalow owners of metros and those who raise decibels in parliament for nothing never help in protecting the heritage. Those who do it must be recognized. Ayodhya is more than Ang Kor Wat, because from Korean princes to the builders of Ang Kor, they all took inspiration from this city on the banks of the Sarayu. It’s not just a parliamentary or assembly seat.
An International Rama University, a Janaki International airport, a Shabari University for Women, a Hanuman Academy for warfare, a think Valmiki thinktank to study invasions on India and the resultant socio-political changes, Luv-Kush panoramic garden of Indian culture and history on Sarayu bank, with a Pakistani contribution too, the city must resonate with elements that define and sustain Bharat that is India.
Think about it. Liberhan reminds you of smallness. Ayodhya is universal.
Tuesday, July 21, 2009
Tuesday, July 7, 2009
No Lalgarh in red China
The Times of India--2 Jul 2009,
The Chinese hunger to gain more knowledge, more military power, more prosperity and definitely a decisive say in global matters has become one of the most significant stories of our times.
Tarun Vijay
The Chinese are patriotic people. They don't allow any Lalgarhs to emerge with Maoists of some sort championing the cause of the poor by killing security personnel.
They have a portrait of Mao at the Tiananmen square but have reduced his biographies in textbooks to almost a formal mention. It's nationalism everywhere, staunch, undiluted and single-minded "China first".
I am writing this column from Kolkata, once known as the red bastion. The home to Naxalbari, a fertile ground for violent Maoism and a hotbed of Bangladeshi infiltrators who have been sheltered by the Left Front leaders to get their votes. Can we, anyway, compare the Indian communists to the communists of China in their patriotism?
The Chinese hunger to gain more knowledge, more military power, more prosperity and definitely a decisive say in global matters has become one of the most significant stories of our times. Chinese cities are bubbling with unprecedented activities of resurgence, economy is booming, new city centres and SEZs are being created, students are finding new universities focused on special niche subjects, everyone from everywhere is invited to invest in China, make money and at the same time transfer technology, their entrepreneurs are set to take over even the US car industry replacing the Japanese. From African countries to the Indian region, their presence is increasing each day if not overshadowing others completely.
President Hu represents a major policy shift in China since Jiang Zemin's regime. He changed the earlier "city first" policy into rural area-focused planning, pumping millions of RNBs into the rural sector. If the "China first" policy and the undiluted dynamism to make China No. 1 in the world is their side of an unbelievable story, India's emergence on the world stage showing strength of knowledge and technology, prosperity and stability with an excellent record of multiparty democracy, secular pluralism and a living civilisation dating back 5,000 years is an amazing tale of mystery and curiosity for the dragon land.
India too has moved far ahead and with a strong China policy, which has not lost its continuity since Rajiv Ghandhi's days, China certainly looks at us with a bit of disbelief -- capable of springing a surprise any time.
With a shift in the global power centres imminent, China is yet to make up its mind for a new global strategy post-Deng era. Hence it is adopting a hedging strategy without siding clearly with any power centre and keeping its options open.
The only factor that China thinks will help it is a strong urge to remain nationalist. It was quite evident wherever I went in Beijing and around it.
Beijing has always looked shrouded in mystery. Yet, the misty afternoon looked a bit out of place in this new age of reforms sweeping China. It was 3 in the afternoon and the Beijing airport was enveloped in the winter haze.
Our Toyota took about 25 minutes to reach the hotel, not very far from Tiananmen Square. These minutes give a foreigner an elegant introduction to the brave new world of progress and power.
China is changing fast and with a great sense of patriotism. There is simply no trace of the old Communism here. The will to succeed and emerge a superpower has driven Chinese leadership to go full steam for reforms and market economy. It’s a real Laksmi Pujan going on there. The new path has been named "Socialism with Chinese characteristics". How does the name matter if it brings prosperity to the millions of people the most populated nation. The new policies have changed the face of this nation but have also brought new problems.
Though unlike India, China began opening up and implemented reforms only after having its agriculture and the manufacturing sector strengthened. Then it aimed to quadruple its GNP of 1980 by the end of 2000, which it achieved in 1995, five years ahead of the schedule. Now it has set an objective to double the GNP of 2000 by 2010 and reach the level of a fully developed nation by 2050.
It has controlled the population growth, increased the defence budget to $22.4 billion, has taken the industrial growth to 12.6% , remains as hard as ever on Tibet and other such issues, taken control of Hong Kong and Macao, doesn’t care about Taiwan’s gestures and indications to come back, in fact the biggest investors to China come from that land.
How real is this new incarnation of the old Maoist totalitarian regime?
China is facing challenges on two major fronts. First, finding a position geopolitically commensurate with its newly gained status on the diplomatic front and cultural and administrative reforms domestically.
On the cultural front China is encountering a vacuum created by the Cultural Revolution. There is no visible cultural inspiration left to the younger generation, which is fast getting Americanised. Mr. Jin Jianfan, chairman of the Chinese Academy to protect and promote national Culture told me that they are very concerned about the growing Americanization of the Chinese youth. Sudden prosperity has brought the youngsters to pubs, night clubs, and has made them discard old Chinese values. Money alone makes a society wayward and prone to the alien effects which may not be good for the country. So, the Chinese are devoting a great deal of time to make the new generation proud of their national heritage.
Civilisational and cultural pride in their national history and heritage has become so visible and underlined at every monument of the historical importance that one wonders whether one is in a land of believers or atheist communists. In this context it would be interesting to know that Buddha, though more in a political and a strategic way, is returning to China in a big way.
In the field of administrative reforms, corruption is rampant in the party, in the administration, in the entire state-run machinery. Several important functionaries, industrialists, party office bearers including a vice governor of Anhui province Wang Huaizhong were executed for taking bribes. Whether the anti-corruption would succeed or not is yet to be seen.
Indian communist should certainly take a lesson from their former ideological masters about how to love your nation. One must concede that China does not have a multiparty system of democracy and neither has it had freedom of the press that we enjoy here. There may be a few who attribute the astonishing progress of China to its totalitarian system of decision making, Yet, a democratic India guaranteeing freedom of speech and the right to exercise democratic privileges, remains a "mystifying threat" to the Chinese hagemonistic ambitions. Log on to : http://www.timesofindia.com
The Chinese hunger to gain more knowledge, more military power, more prosperity and definitely a decisive say in global matters has become one of the most significant stories of our times.
Tarun Vijay
The Chinese are patriotic people. They don't allow any Lalgarhs to emerge with Maoists of some sort championing the cause of the poor by killing security personnel.
They have a portrait of Mao at the Tiananmen square but have reduced his biographies in textbooks to almost a formal mention. It's nationalism everywhere, staunch, undiluted and single-minded "China first".
I am writing this column from Kolkata, once known as the red bastion. The home to Naxalbari, a fertile ground for violent Maoism and a hotbed of Bangladeshi infiltrators who have been sheltered by the Left Front leaders to get their votes. Can we, anyway, compare the Indian communists to the communists of China in their patriotism?
The Chinese hunger to gain more knowledge, more military power, more prosperity and definitely a decisive say in global matters has become one of the most significant stories of our times. Chinese cities are bubbling with unprecedented activities of resurgence, economy is booming, new city centres and SEZs are being created, students are finding new universities focused on special niche subjects, everyone from everywhere is invited to invest in China, make money and at the same time transfer technology, their entrepreneurs are set to take over even the US car industry replacing the Japanese. From African countries to the Indian region, their presence is increasing each day if not overshadowing others completely.
President Hu represents a major policy shift in China since Jiang Zemin's regime. He changed the earlier "city first" policy into rural area-focused planning, pumping millions of RNBs into the rural sector. If the "China first" policy and the undiluted dynamism to make China No. 1 in the world is their side of an unbelievable story, India's emergence on the world stage showing strength of knowledge and technology, prosperity and stability with an excellent record of multiparty democracy, secular pluralism and a living civilisation dating back 5,000 years is an amazing tale of mystery and curiosity for the dragon land.
India too has moved far ahead and with a strong China policy, which has not lost its continuity since Rajiv Ghandhi's days, China certainly looks at us with a bit of disbelief -- capable of springing a surprise any time.
With a shift in the global power centres imminent, China is yet to make up its mind for a new global strategy post-Deng era. Hence it is adopting a hedging strategy without siding clearly with any power centre and keeping its options open.
The only factor that China thinks will help it is a strong urge to remain nationalist. It was quite evident wherever I went in Beijing and around it.
Beijing has always looked shrouded in mystery. Yet, the misty afternoon looked a bit out of place in this new age of reforms sweeping China. It was 3 in the afternoon and the Beijing airport was enveloped in the winter haze.
Our Toyota took about 25 minutes to reach the hotel, not very far from Tiananmen Square. These minutes give a foreigner an elegant introduction to the brave new world of progress and power.
China is changing fast and with a great sense of patriotism. There is simply no trace of the old Communism here. The will to succeed and emerge a superpower has driven Chinese leadership to go full steam for reforms and market economy. It’s a real Laksmi Pujan going on there. The new path has been named "Socialism with Chinese characteristics". How does the name matter if it brings prosperity to the millions of people the most populated nation. The new policies have changed the face of this nation but have also brought new problems.
Though unlike India, China began opening up and implemented reforms only after having its agriculture and the manufacturing sector strengthened. Then it aimed to quadruple its GNP of 1980 by the end of 2000, which it achieved in 1995, five years ahead of the schedule. Now it has set an objective to double the GNP of 2000 by 2010 and reach the level of a fully developed nation by 2050.
It has controlled the population growth, increased the defence budget to $22.4 billion, has taken the industrial growth to 12.6% , remains as hard as ever on Tibet and other such issues, taken control of Hong Kong and Macao, doesn’t care about Taiwan’s gestures and indications to come back, in fact the biggest investors to China come from that land.
How real is this new incarnation of the old Maoist totalitarian regime?
China is facing challenges on two major fronts. First, finding a position geopolitically commensurate with its newly gained status on the diplomatic front and cultural and administrative reforms domestically.
On the cultural front China is encountering a vacuum created by the Cultural Revolution. There is no visible cultural inspiration left to the younger generation, which is fast getting Americanised. Mr. Jin Jianfan, chairman of the Chinese Academy to protect and promote national Culture told me that they are very concerned about the growing Americanization of the Chinese youth. Sudden prosperity has brought the youngsters to pubs, night clubs, and has made them discard old Chinese values. Money alone makes a society wayward and prone to the alien effects which may not be good for the country. So, the Chinese are devoting a great deal of time to make the new generation proud of their national heritage.
Civilisational and cultural pride in their national history and heritage has become so visible and underlined at every monument of the historical importance that one wonders whether one is in a land of believers or atheist communists. In this context it would be interesting to know that Buddha, though more in a political and a strategic way, is returning to China in a big way.
In the field of administrative reforms, corruption is rampant in the party, in the administration, in the entire state-run machinery. Several important functionaries, industrialists, party office bearers including a vice governor of Anhui province Wang Huaizhong were executed for taking bribes. Whether the anti-corruption would succeed or not is yet to be seen.
Indian communist should certainly take a lesson from their former ideological masters about how to love your nation. One must concede that China does not have a multiparty system of democracy and neither has it had freedom of the press that we enjoy here. There may be a few who attribute the astonishing progress of China to its totalitarian system of decision making, Yet, a democratic India guaranteeing freedom of speech and the right to exercise democratic privileges, remains a "mystifying threat" to the Chinese hagemonistic ambitions. Log on to : http://www.timesofindia.com
Maoists & Writers' Marxists are ideological comrades
The Times of India, Kolkata print edition, 1 July 2009
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Cities/Kolkata-/Maoists--Writers-Marxists-are-ideological-comrades/articleshow/4722318.cms
Tarun Vijay
It does not matter whether Lalgarh is 170 km from Writers' Buildings or just 17 feet away. The attitude and the apologetic defence of the central forces show it all.
First, Marxist rulers resisted banning the Maoists. Then, the ruling front is at pains to issue daily statements that the central forces will not be allowed to commit excesses on the tribals (read CPM workers). Does the chief minister think that the security forces love to commit excesses on tribals that he had to state in public about being vigilant on them? Was he vigilant against the excesses of the Maoists in the last 10 years? Did he ever issue any statement against their violence and reign of terror? Did he ever think of banning the organization before the Centre exerted pressure on him? Has he issued any one-liner appreciating security jawans for the excellent work they have done risking their lives?
The fact of the matter is, there is hardly any difference between the Maoists and the Marxists ruling from Writers'. Both are invariably ideological comrades one operating from the jungles and the other enjoying urban amenities. Both have alien heroes and adore Lenin, Stalin and Mao, who were responsible for the killings of millions of people. They all have an extra amount of love and loyalty for the alien powers and have no qualms accepting their support. They have never condemned China for 1962 and still have no clear policy on its claim over Arunachal Pradesh and Aksai Chin. And the poor tribals remain cannon fodder for demonstrations, with half-clad villagers wielding indigenous weapons and singing international for a CPM magazine.
One has to go and see the abject poverty and nothingness in areas adjoining Lalgarh. Jungle, soil, leaves, small huts completely synchronizing with the nature and tribal men and women, semi-clad, working day and night to eke out an existence. You will be amazed, what meticulous design it takes to keep your own people so low? It becomes a vested interest for the Red revolutionaries and their art-paper magazine producers to keep people poor, backward, so that they are always ready to provide the crowd and the boys for mass struggle and revolutionaries zeal while the leaders enjoy Padma's Ilish. And then the usual page 3 clique in metros, would say with an oomph: "Oh, these Marxists are fighting for the poor, like Buddha ji, a very nice man'." If votes were not diverted in this Lok Sabha election to other non-CPM parties, the CPM tally would have come down from 30 MPs to just one under Mr Nice.
Trinamool, Congress and BJP kept Kolkata Corporation out of CPM's reach by a clever strategy in 1995 and with a Congress mayor; BJP had its deputy mayor. One must revive that spirit in national interest and make sure that CPM is ousted in the next Assembly election. Only then will Bengal begin to regain pride, ending the era of goli and garibi.
It's interesting to know how the Marxists reacted to Lalgarh. Was it in consonance with the way they had reacted to other such incidents of violence? It was a sort of a battle to recapture the lost ground by the CPM from local tribals, who had formed a committee against police repression aided by Marxist workers. Hence the ghost of Maoists helped. The newspapers writing fearlessly against Buddha's partisan regime were stopped ads and the other Bangla paper had to proclaim it feared none but god and hence it will continue to expose Buddha's helping hand to the Lalgarh's red Stalins. The historical truth is Marxism has always been rude to its own people and deceit and doublespeak have been ingrained in it since the early formations of the Bolsheviks when bread and dictatorship of the proletariat were assured.
Now, what will happen to the tribals when the security forces leave Lalgarh? Someone needs to ask what has been the contribution of the government in West Bengal swearing by an ideology that binds it into a psychological camaraderie with Maoists both promising the rule of the proletariat? What the poor got except bullets and backwardness?
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Cities/Kolkata-/Maoists--Writers-Marxists-are-ideological-comrades/articleshow/4722318.cms
Tarun Vijay
It does not matter whether Lalgarh is 170 km from Writers' Buildings or just 17 feet away. The attitude and the apologetic defence of the central forces show it all.
First, Marxist rulers resisted banning the Maoists. Then, the ruling front is at pains to issue daily statements that the central forces will not be allowed to commit excesses on the tribals (read CPM workers). Does the chief minister think that the security forces love to commit excesses on tribals that he had to state in public about being vigilant on them? Was he vigilant against the excesses of the Maoists in the last 10 years? Did he ever issue any statement against their violence and reign of terror? Did he ever think of banning the organization before the Centre exerted pressure on him? Has he issued any one-liner appreciating security jawans for the excellent work they have done risking their lives?
The fact of the matter is, there is hardly any difference between the Maoists and the Marxists ruling from Writers'. Both are invariably ideological comrades one operating from the jungles and the other enjoying urban amenities. Both have alien heroes and adore Lenin, Stalin and Mao, who were responsible for the killings of millions of people. They all have an extra amount of love and loyalty for the alien powers and have no qualms accepting their support. They have never condemned China for 1962 and still have no clear policy on its claim over Arunachal Pradesh and Aksai Chin. And the poor tribals remain cannon fodder for demonstrations, with half-clad villagers wielding indigenous weapons and singing international for a CPM magazine.
One has to go and see the abject poverty and nothingness in areas adjoining Lalgarh. Jungle, soil, leaves, small huts completely synchronizing with the nature and tribal men and women, semi-clad, working day and night to eke out an existence. You will be amazed, what meticulous design it takes to keep your own people so low? It becomes a vested interest for the Red revolutionaries and their art-paper magazine producers to keep people poor, backward, so that they are always ready to provide the crowd and the boys for mass struggle and revolutionaries zeal while the leaders enjoy Padma's Ilish. And then the usual page 3 clique in metros, would say with an oomph: "Oh, these Marxists are fighting for the poor, like Buddha ji, a very nice man'." If votes were not diverted in this Lok Sabha election to other non-CPM parties, the CPM tally would have come down from 30 MPs to just one under Mr Nice.
Trinamool, Congress and BJP kept Kolkata Corporation out of CPM's reach by a clever strategy in 1995 and with a Congress mayor; BJP had its deputy mayor. One must revive that spirit in national interest and make sure that CPM is ousted in the next Assembly election. Only then will Bengal begin to regain pride, ending the era of goli and garibi.
It's interesting to know how the Marxists reacted to Lalgarh. Was it in consonance with the way they had reacted to other such incidents of violence? It was a sort of a battle to recapture the lost ground by the CPM from local tribals, who had formed a committee against police repression aided by Marxist workers. Hence the ghost of Maoists helped. The newspapers writing fearlessly against Buddha's partisan regime were stopped ads and the other Bangla paper had to proclaim it feared none but god and hence it will continue to expose Buddha's helping hand to the Lalgarh's red Stalins. The historical truth is Marxism has always been rude to its own people and deceit and doublespeak have been ingrained in it since the early formations of the Bolsheviks when bread and dictatorship of the proletariat were assured.
Now, what will happen to the tribals when the security forces leave Lalgarh? Someone needs to ask what has been the contribution of the government in West Bengal swearing by an ideology that binds it into a psychological camaraderie with Maoists both promising the rule of the proletariat? What the poor got except bullets and backwardness?
Sunday, June 28, 2009
In Kolkata
Kolkata looked good this afternoon with a little shower and the resultant temp reduction. Its always a great feeling to be here the old world charm existing with the ultra modern buildings,traditions and the path breakers, trams and Mercs,Mashi Ma, mishti doi,podder's Ilish,Nomashkar and Aami aaschi...the days I spent at Belur learning Aik Pothe cholibo, aik kotha bolibo...
A well attended programme by Friends of Tribal Society in GD Birla hall, today 28th June, a real no-dream sleep after a sumptous meals at Bhowani Pur and a visit to Bhola Da, capped with an invigorating chat with Shreyansh-the wonder boy. The meeting we had for 6th programme made me more nervous. Lets see.Tomarrow will be much much busier..
A well attended programme by Friends of Tribal Society in GD Birla hall, today 28th June, a real no-dream sleep after a sumptous meals at Bhowani Pur and a visit to Bhola Da, capped with an invigorating chat with Shreyansh-the wonder boy. The meeting we had for 6th programme made me more nervous. Lets see.Tomarrow will be much much busier..
Thursday, June 25, 2009
Krishna 'Raag'
17 Jun 2009
Tarun Vijay
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Opinion/Columnists/Tarun-Vijay/Krishna-Raag/articleshow/4666687.cms
With India scoring a diplomatic victory over China at the Asian Development Bank (ADB) board meeting by having a grant approval for the $2.9 billion India plan just a day before Prime Minister Manmohan Singh met Chinese President Hu, new foreign minister SM Krishna has began making a mark in his new office. It’s global news that China had blocked a consensus in ADB because the grant to India included watershed development projects worth $60 million in Arunachal Pradesh.
Finally, the US helped win the grant for us with its majority votes. But the home work to have the member nations understand India’s position was a meticulously handled operation by foreign secretary Menon and his team. Before that, just having been sworn in, SM Krishna had impressed all by his cool and deft handling of Pakistan and China’s abrasiveness while Manmohan went on a cool trip to China and Russia. Significant developments on our strategic front were overshadowed by domestic no-events.
A new entrant into the realm of diplomacy and foreign affairs, Krishna has certainly a long innings to play and with a mature and old China hand in foreign secretary Shiv Shankar Menon, he won’t have much problem in dealing with tougher issues. The first major challenge he faces in the form of bringing about a paradigm shift in foreign policy’s vision for the next 20 years. India 2010 to 2030 will be a completely changed land in terms of military strength, economic parameters and domestic political equations. So will be China, our immediate neighbour and a major strategic concern which never leaves a chance to offend Indian sensitivities at the most inopportune time.
With such neighbourly compulsions, the next decade would see India engaging with China more than any other nation, notwithstanding the democratic cooperation with the US. China has travelled a long way outsmarting India in manufacturing, economic growth, infrastructure building and military strength. While India has shrunk to almost half in the last 100 years, China has doubled geographically too. Recently in a poll conducted by the government-controlled Global Times, 90% of the Chinese people have been reported as thinking India as the biggest threat to China and a majority of them didn’t approve of strong friendly ties with us. It's quite strange. First it's India and not China that’s the aggrieved party, China has taken a large chunk of our land in Kashmir illegally and also accepted unashamedly a "gift" of the "theft" by Pakistan. It attacked us in 1962 and still lays claim to Arunachal Pradesh. Logically, it’s Indians who must feel aggrieved and oppose any friendly ties with the offending neighbour, which has been making unfriendly noises hurting Indian sentiments that includes opposing an India grant at ADB, voicing disapproval of President Pratibha Patil’s visit to Arunachal Pradesh and keeping a studied silence over fake Chinese drugs marketed in Africa as "made in India".
But the level of ignorance about China in India is simply baffling. More than Pakistan, it should have been China on our radar of engagement knowing it more than any other nation. The naiveties of India’s so-called Sinologists is best expressed in projecting it in the fossilized terminology of the 60s and refusing to recognize that both countries have travelled hundreds of miles in different directions since then. China is no more a Mao-land, it has converted into a resurgent market economy where youngsters are yearning to learn American slang and speak English with a New York school’s pronunciation. India doesn’t appear with any recognizable significance on their radar — theirs is a westward journey with a determination to conquer the west. Their poverty-struck villages, simmering unrest in certain quarters and a rising urge for democracy and more liberal policies are here but they are feeble graphs and the strong streak of nationalism overpowers weaknesses of a totalitarian state apparatus.
India too is not the Nehruvian model of a fake socialism but a fast-moving economy determined to become a super power. The next 20 years are too important for both of us. China would like to move ahead of the US in economic and military strength and India must revitalize its core sectors with democratic values and supremacy in hardware. Our principal rival remains China and not the US. China would like these years to be peaceful, without any military adventurism to gain time for consolidating its economic and fire power. But definitely the rising power levels have added to its arrogance which India must watch cautiously.
This is exactly the transition period for India’s foreign policy, especially in its outlook to Pakistan, Afghanistan and China. India must not become a partner in the US game in this region which is, at present more Pakistan-centric and has ignored Indian concerns. Every US dollar given to Pakistan under the cover of "controlling Taliban", is turned into a missile on Indian interests. Though India is a major player in the Af-Pak region, the perception is that it is playing second fiddle to the US. This has to be corrected with direct links with Afghan tribal leaders and an operational policy for Pakistan held Kashmir and NWFP. Krishna will also have to revitalize and make assertive policy towards Chinese links with Pakistan’s extremist organizations like Jammat-e-Islami and tribal leaders of Gilgit and Baltistan.
If there is a new China and a new India emerging on the world horizon, let there be a new approach towards each other — and that requires more understanding and information exchanges. Not only that Indians must get Chinese reports from Indian correspondents but there has to be a methodical approach towards Track II citizens diplomacy towards China. Already Indian companies are finding it lucrative to have their work stations and factories established in remote townships of China and Indian students get easy access to Chinese medical and engineering colleges. Learning Chinese and visiting China on vacations, instead of Malaysia or London and Europe must be encouraged and Chinese youth should be invited by Indian organizations for interaction and dialogue.
With changing economic poles and Asian giants withstanding recession, China is waiting for the opportune time through following hedging strategy without a clear mandate for any global player. It must continue to resist American presence in the region, as the strong US ties with Thailand and Singapore and a fear of its ability to block gateways to China’s trade route. Through Southeast Asia makes it uneasy. Growing Indian presence in this Mekong region, often symbolized by the phrase Ganga-Mekong cooperation is also looked with suspicion by Beijing, taking it as a part of Tokyo-Washington-Delhi arc of democratic cooperation.
SM Krishna will have to talk tough with Pakistan a small nuclear irritant compared with China and make South Block focused more on Chinese front.
Tarun Vijay
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Opinion/Columnists/Tarun-Vijay/Krishna-Raag/articleshow/4666687.cms
With India scoring a diplomatic victory over China at the Asian Development Bank (ADB) board meeting by having a grant approval for the $2.9 billion India plan just a day before Prime Minister Manmohan Singh met Chinese President Hu, new foreign minister SM Krishna has began making a mark in his new office. It’s global news that China had blocked a consensus in ADB because the grant to India included watershed development projects worth $60 million in Arunachal Pradesh.
Finally, the US helped win the grant for us with its majority votes. But the home work to have the member nations understand India’s position was a meticulously handled operation by foreign secretary Menon and his team. Before that, just having been sworn in, SM Krishna had impressed all by his cool and deft handling of Pakistan and China’s abrasiveness while Manmohan went on a cool trip to China and Russia. Significant developments on our strategic front were overshadowed by domestic no-events.
A new entrant into the realm of diplomacy and foreign affairs, Krishna has certainly a long innings to play and with a mature and old China hand in foreign secretary Shiv Shankar Menon, he won’t have much problem in dealing with tougher issues. The first major challenge he faces in the form of bringing about a paradigm shift in foreign policy’s vision for the next 20 years. India 2010 to 2030 will be a completely changed land in terms of military strength, economic parameters and domestic political equations. So will be China, our immediate neighbour and a major strategic concern which never leaves a chance to offend Indian sensitivities at the most inopportune time.
With such neighbourly compulsions, the next decade would see India engaging with China more than any other nation, notwithstanding the democratic cooperation with the US. China has travelled a long way outsmarting India in manufacturing, economic growth, infrastructure building and military strength. While India has shrunk to almost half in the last 100 years, China has doubled geographically too. Recently in a poll conducted by the government-controlled Global Times, 90% of the Chinese people have been reported as thinking India as the biggest threat to China and a majority of them didn’t approve of strong friendly ties with us. It's quite strange. First it's India and not China that’s the aggrieved party, China has taken a large chunk of our land in Kashmir illegally and also accepted unashamedly a "gift" of the "theft" by Pakistan. It attacked us in 1962 and still lays claim to Arunachal Pradesh. Logically, it’s Indians who must feel aggrieved and oppose any friendly ties with the offending neighbour, which has been making unfriendly noises hurting Indian sentiments that includes opposing an India grant at ADB, voicing disapproval of President Pratibha Patil’s visit to Arunachal Pradesh and keeping a studied silence over fake Chinese drugs marketed in Africa as "made in India".
But the level of ignorance about China in India is simply baffling. More than Pakistan, it should have been China on our radar of engagement knowing it more than any other nation. The naiveties of India’s so-called Sinologists is best expressed in projecting it in the fossilized terminology of the 60s and refusing to recognize that both countries have travelled hundreds of miles in different directions since then. China is no more a Mao-land, it has converted into a resurgent market economy where youngsters are yearning to learn American slang and speak English with a New York school’s pronunciation. India doesn’t appear with any recognizable significance on their radar — theirs is a westward journey with a determination to conquer the west. Their poverty-struck villages, simmering unrest in certain quarters and a rising urge for democracy and more liberal policies are here but they are feeble graphs and the strong streak of nationalism overpowers weaknesses of a totalitarian state apparatus.
India too is not the Nehruvian model of a fake socialism but a fast-moving economy determined to become a super power. The next 20 years are too important for both of us. China would like to move ahead of the US in economic and military strength and India must revitalize its core sectors with democratic values and supremacy in hardware. Our principal rival remains China and not the US. China would like these years to be peaceful, without any military adventurism to gain time for consolidating its economic and fire power. But definitely the rising power levels have added to its arrogance which India must watch cautiously.
This is exactly the transition period for India’s foreign policy, especially in its outlook to Pakistan, Afghanistan and China. India must not become a partner in the US game in this region which is, at present more Pakistan-centric and has ignored Indian concerns. Every US dollar given to Pakistan under the cover of "controlling Taliban", is turned into a missile on Indian interests. Though India is a major player in the Af-Pak region, the perception is that it is playing second fiddle to the US. This has to be corrected with direct links with Afghan tribal leaders and an operational policy for Pakistan held Kashmir and NWFP. Krishna will also have to revitalize and make assertive policy towards Chinese links with Pakistan’s extremist organizations like Jammat-e-Islami and tribal leaders of Gilgit and Baltistan.
If there is a new China and a new India emerging on the world horizon, let there be a new approach towards each other — and that requires more understanding and information exchanges. Not only that Indians must get Chinese reports from Indian correspondents but there has to be a methodical approach towards Track II citizens diplomacy towards China. Already Indian companies are finding it lucrative to have their work stations and factories established in remote townships of China and Indian students get easy access to Chinese medical and engineering colleges. Learning Chinese and visiting China on vacations, instead of Malaysia or London and Europe must be encouraged and Chinese youth should be invited by Indian organizations for interaction and dialogue.
With changing economic poles and Asian giants withstanding recession, China is waiting for the opportune time through following hedging strategy without a clear mandate for any global player. It must continue to resist American presence in the region, as the strong US ties with Thailand and Singapore and a fear of its ability to block gateways to China’s trade route. Through Southeast Asia makes it uneasy. Growing Indian presence in this Mekong region, often symbolized by the phrase Ganga-Mekong cooperation is also looked with suspicion by Beijing, taking it as a part of Tokyo-Washington-Delhi arc of democratic cooperation.
SM Krishna will have to talk tough with Pakistan a small nuclear irritant compared with China and make South Block focused more on Chinese front.
Tuesday, May 26, 2009
Hindutva without poverty alleviation is a temple without the deity.
rediff news
May 23, 2009
Tarun Vijay
May 23, 2009
Tarun Vijay
In times like these when the nation is facing serious external and internal challenges, it is incumbent upon anyone who thinks he is a nationalist to help the new government run smoothly.
Initially, the young brigade of Rahul Gandhi's team makes a terrific impact and buoyed with an Indian electorate's spectacular support, they look pretty good. With a suave Manmohan Singh at the helm it must make India better its image and move ahead, and why one should criticise them just they are not members of our party and don't sing the same song?
Isn't India greater than us all and our parties put together?
Having said that, it's also necessary, to stay firm, like Casablanca, on what has sustained the other side so long. Even if the Bharatiya Janata Party got almost 40 million votes less than the Congress, I would want every single party which fought the election on different manifestos and programmes to remain firm on its fundamentals and speak out about the anomalies of this system while working together for a common greater good of the people.
Isn't it great to see many stalwarts from various parties being elected to the Lok Sabha, which is sure to enrich the debates and the art of governing India?
Arrogant moneybag criminals are less this time and the young brigade from different parties showcase the youngest nation on this planet quite gracefully.
A few points on the other side must also be pondered over.
Indian democracy has come a full circle. From Mahatma Gandhi's salt movement to a universal dynastic movement. No party can say it's not following the new thumb rule.
Almost half the voters didn't vote.
Money spent per constituency reached an all time high as per newspaper reports with exceptions of a few like the Loksatta Party's Jayaprakash Narayan. Just one or two seats? The rest are real crorepatis.
It's all mathematical jugglery. Somewhere Raj Thackeray's maneuverings and in another state the Praja Rajyam Party diverted the anti-incumbency votes and the consolidated Muslim vote bank helped.
More than half the votes polled went against them. The Congress got just 28 percent. The rest of the voters -- 72 percent -- didn't vote for it. The BJP's share came down to approximately 18 percent (in 1999 it got 25.3 percent). Still they say people voted for a stable and secular government and showed the door to the communalists who got nearly 18 percent votes.
What were the issues that the 'communalists' raised?
The issue of the Kashmiri Hindus. Was that wrong?
Or demanding revocation of the Prevention of Terrorism Act and stringent measures against terrorists?
Or the agitation for the Amarnath land and preservation of the unique world heritage and a symbol of faith like the Ram Sethu ?
The nationalists opposed the divisive politics of Raj Thackeray, who was propped up by the Congress to counter the Shiv Sena Was opposing Raj wrong?
They were responsible for Pokaran-II and were committed to preserve our rights for Pokaran-III if needed. Was that against the national interest?
On the eve of the polls they said forget 1984, but remember Gujarat. What mentality did it show?
The nationalists wanted Article 370 to go and Kashmir fully integrated with the rest of India. Was that against national integration?
Should India be governed on religious fragmentation and parochial chauvinism or on the basis of egalitarianism, equal rights and privileges to all rising above the communal lines?
Let everyone ponder -- Hindus have been continuously assaulted for the last 1,200 years. Do they have a right to preserve their heritage and way of life after a partitioned independence or not?
On the other hand the Congress, whatever they believed in, they delivered.
Removed POTA, faced opposition. Didn't relent.
Introduced reservations for the Muslims. Faced opposition. Didn't relent.
Constituted Sachar Committee. Its divisive attitude and faulty inferences were discussed and severely criticised. It didn't budge an inch and carried on.
Faced a barrage of criticism on the delay in hanging Parliament attack accused Afzal Guru. It stood sweetly firm.
It de-froze Octavio Quattrocchi's accounts in London ,unshackled him from the Central Bureau of Investigation. The media and the others cried foul. So what? It remained cool.
It kept silent over Nandigram , Singur. But had the prudence to tie up with the Trinamool Congress And succeeded in defeating the Left.
It gave huge amounts of plan allocation funds to the minorities ignoring the majority Hindu concerns. So what? It got Hindu middle-class votes plus Muslim ones.
It faced flak on its policy to combat terrorism, had to change its home minister and the chief minister of Maharashtra post the 26/11 attacks. Yet it won in Mumbai handsomely.
It got a nuke deal passed despite the entire Opposition and one of its key allies opposing it in one language. It saw silently that Parliament was turned into a bazaar. Yet it won the Muslims and a new mandate.
And the Hindutva group faced a powerfully hostile section of the media. Some of them became an instrument to oppose Hindu assertions maligning them with celebrative enthusiasm for irrelevant happenings like we saw at the Mangalore pub. Their ('fair, objective and independent torch bearers of freedom of expression') controllers, writing in newspaper columns and on their blogs, had nothing but a decisive opposition and acidic hate for a particular section of the Indians who asserted their dharma.
These Hindus were demonised for their civil assertions and all the media space was given to the one sided attacks on them like the Taliban did in Swat.
How the owners of the channels, writing politically partisan columns in newspapers that blatantly support a particular political party, would allow a debate that can be closer to objectivity and does justice to the other viewpoint?
Those who fought for the immediate gains must sulk.
Those who battle for ideology must stay firm.
It needs someone to say that only buildings and roads and good governance are not ideology but a partial manifestation of its programmes. Ideology distinguishes a Gandhi from a Hitler ,a Golwalkar from a Stalin.
If in this kind of a maneuvering polity, the chips are down for the BJP today, it doesn't show that the issues have been rejected or defeated. It must always remember the reason that the Jan Sangh was re-born as the BJP. People have supported it so far because it is perceived as the only party that doesn't feel embarrassed to protect the Hindu ethos of the nation.
That's what L K Advani admitted in the Mumbai executive meeting held after the 2004 defeat. The only factor that will reinvigorate and make the adherents of a movement fortified by the martyrdoms of hundreds of workers rise again is the power of ideology, a youthful solidarity and not just the blue prints of IT highway plans and NREGS allocations.
India rising must mean India civilisationally committed, militarily strong and economically sound. Hindutva without a strong poverty alleviation drive and guaranteeing employment and housing to all is as meaningless as a temple without the deity. And vice versa.
These were the elections that were contested by the rich to get richer at the expense of the poor and powerless, unorganised millions. Nowhere were the issues of empowering the poor and low-income groups, or earmarking housing as a fundamental right and increased facilities and ultramodern training to the police and security forces were considered a winnable election slogan or a charter to earn people's mandate.
How did the parties connect or even tried to befriend and educate a rickshaw puller on issues that affect his life as a citizen? Did they feel the need for it? He would be required only in a rally of the poor to be addressed by a rich leader. He is the class, which is used for emotive issues as cannon fodder. He dies in greatly publicised agitations unsung with none of the red-eyed, angry leaders who led him to death caring how his family is continuing with a life that it didn't choose.
Issues of Hindu-Muslim, caste and provincialism are raised just for the limited gains of vote and then easily forgotten once the space in Lutyen's Delhi is assured.
The life of a hawker or labourer who gets his daily wages after a cut by his middleman contractor and the factory worker hasn't changed since last decade. Still in the remote villages water scarcity, famines, floods, 12-hour power cuts, bad roads and overloaded means of transportation are facts of life.
The mushrooming growth of the new educational malls providing half-baked degrees to aspiring youth and the huge number of increasing urban and rural unemployed semi-skilled work force can't get on to the agendas of any politician unless they form a usable vote bank.
The urban public amenities, buses, railway stations and localities of the low-income group working people show unbelievable depths of human misery, filth, anarchical systemic failure and life in sub-human conditions.
If those who won on the basis of factors quite differently than the real democracy is all about, should it mean the issues so dear to the ideological soldiers be shelved? Or should it make our battle more resolved?
And it also means asking questions like what's the use of religious chants if the followers of Ram go to sleep on empty stomachs? This is not what we have learnt from Vivekananda.
If we have to find a way for our identity protection, that can't only be through a society that is educated and free from want. Hence, this war is ideological and not for the singular aim of materialistic prosperity, roads, bridges and IT centres.
Indian wisdom and civilisational excellence has always reigned supreme defeating the sword wielders and the controllers of wealth.
If we win the war of ideas, we shall be richer with both Vidya (wisdom) and Vitta (wealth). But if riches come to us without ideological firmness, nothing would be saved -- neither wealth nor Dharma.
Initially, the young brigade of Rahul Gandhi's team makes a terrific impact and buoyed with an Indian electorate's spectacular support, they look pretty good. With a suave Manmohan Singh at the helm it must make India better its image and move ahead, and why one should criticise them just they are not members of our party and don't sing the same song?
Isn't India greater than us all and our parties put together?
Having said that, it's also necessary, to stay firm, like Casablanca, on what has sustained the other side so long. Even if the Bharatiya Janata Party got almost 40 million votes less than the Congress, I would want every single party which fought the election on different manifestos and programmes to remain firm on its fundamentals and speak out about the anomalies of this system while working together for a common greater good of the people.
Isn't it great to see many stalwarts from various parties being elected to the Lok Sabha, which is sure to enrich the debates and the art of governing India?
Arrogant moneybag criminals are less this time and the young brigade from different parties showcase the youngest nation on this planet quite gracefully.
A few points on the other side must also be pondered over.
Indian democracy has come a full circle. From Mahatma Gandhi's salt movement to a universal dynastic movement. No party can say it's not following the new thumb rule.
Almost half the voters didn't vote.
Money spent per constituency reached an all time high as per newspaper reports with exceptions of a few like the Loksatta Party's Jayaprakash Narayan. Just one or two seats? The rest are real crorepatis.
It's all mathematical jugglery. Somewhere Raj Thackeray's maneuverings and in another state the Praja Rajyam Party diverted the anti-incumbency votes and the consolidated Muslim vote bank helped.
More than half the votes polled went against them. The Congress got just 28 percent. The rest of the voters -- 72 percent -- didn't vote for it. The BJP's share came down to approximately 18 percent (in 1999 it got 25.3 percent). Still they say people voted for a stable and secular government and showed the door to the communalists who got nearly 18 percent votes.
What were the issues that the 'communalists' raised?
The issue of the Kashmiri Hindus. Was that wrong?
Or demanding revocation of the Prevention of Terrorism Act and stringent measures against terrorists?
Or the agitation for the Amarnath land and preservation of the unique world heritage and a symbol of faith like the Ram Sethu ?
The nationalists opposed the divisive politics of Raj Thackeray, who was propped up by the Congress to counter the Shiv Sena Was opposing Raj wrong?
They were responsible for Pokaran-II and were committed to preserve our rights for Pokaran-III if needed. Was that against the national interest?
On the eve of the polls they said forget 1984, but remember Gujarat. What mentality did it show?
The nationalists wanted Article 370 to go and Kashmir fully integrated with the rest of India. Was that against national integration?
Should India be governed on religious fragmentation and parochial chauvinism or on the basis of egalitarianism, equal rights and privileges to all rising above the communal lines?
Let everyone ponder -- Hindus have been continuously assaulted for the last 1,200 years. Do they have a right to preserve their heritage and way of life after a partitioned independence or not?
On the other hand the Congress, whatever they believed in, they delivered.
Removed POTA, faced opposition. Didn't relent.
Introduced reservations for the Muslims. Faced opposition. Didn't relent.
Constituted Sachar Committee. Its divisive attitude and faulty inferences were discussed and severely criticised. It didn't budge an inch and carried on.
Faced a barrage of criticism on the delay in hanging Parliament attack accused Afzal Guru. It stood sweetly firm.
It de-froze Octavio Quattrocchi's accounts in London ,unshackled him from the Central Bureau of Investigation. The media and the others cried foul. So what? It remained cool.
It kept silent over Nandigram , Singur. But had the prudence to tie up with the Trinamool Congress And succeeded in defeating the Left.
It gave huge amounts of plan allocation funds to the minorities ignoring the majority Hindu concerns. So what? It got Hindu middle-class votes plus Muslim ones.
It faced flak on its policy to combat terrorism, had to change its home minister and the chief minister of Maharashtra post the 26/11 attacks. Yet it won in Mumbai handsomely.
It got a nuke deal passed despite the entire Opposition and one of its key allies opposing it in one language. It saw silently that Parliament was turned into a bazaar. Yet it won the Muslims and a new mandate.
And the Hindutva group faced a powerfully hostile section of the media. Some of them became an instrument to oppose Hindu assertions maligning them with celebrative enthusiasm for irrelevant happenings like we saw at the Mangalore pub. Their ('fair, objective and independent torch bearers of freedom of expression') controllers, writing in newspaper columns and on their blogs, had nothing but a decisive opposition and acidic hate for a particular section of the Indians who asserted their dharma.
These Hindus were demonised for their civil assertions and all the media space was given to the one sided attacks on them like the Taliban did in Swat.
How the owners of the channels, writing politically partisan columns in newspapers that blatantly support a particular political party, would allow a debate that can be closer to objectivity and does justice to the other viewpoint?
Those who fought for the immediate gains must sulk.
Those who battle for ideology must stay firm.
It needs someone to say that only buildings and roads and good governance are not ideology but a partial manifestation of its programmes. Ideology distinguishes a Gandhi from a Hitler ,a Golwalkar from a Stalin.
If in this kind of a maneuvering polity, the chips are down for the BJP today, it doesn't show that the issues have been rejected or defeated. It must always remember the reason that the Jan Sangh was re-born as the BJP. People have supported it so far because it is perceived as the only party that doesn't feel embarrassed to protect the Hindu ethos of the nation.
That's what L K Advani admitted in the Mumbai executive meeting held after the 2004 defeat. The only factor that will reinvigorate and make the adherents of a movement fortified by the martyrdoms of hundreds of workers rise again is the power of ideology, a youthful solidarity and not just the blue prints of IT highway plans and NREGS allocations.
India rising must mean India civilisationally committed, militarily strong and economically sound. Hindutva without a strong poverty alleviation drive and guaranteeing employment and housing to all is as meaningless as a temple without the deity. And vice versa.
These were the elections that were contested by the rich to get richer at the expense of the poor and powerless, unorganised millions. Nowhere were the issues of empowering the poor and low-income groups, or earmarking housing as a fundamental right and increased facilities and ultramodern training to the police and security forces were considered a winnable election slogan or a charter to earn people's mandate.
How did the parties connect or even tried to befriend and educate a rickshaw puller on issues that affect his life as a citizen? Did they feel the need for it? He would be required only in a rally of the poor to be addressed by a rich leader. He is the class, which is used for emotive issues as cannon fodder. He dies in greatly publicised agitations unsung with none of the red-eyed, angry leaders who led him to death caring how his family is continuing with a life that it didn't choose.
Issues of Hindu-Muslim, caste and provincialism are raised just for the limited gains of vote and then easily forgotten once the space in Lutyen's Delhi is assured.
The life of a hawker or labourer who gets his daily wages after a cut by his middleman contractor and the factory worker hasn't changed since last decade. Still in the remote villages water scarcity, famines, floods, 12-hour power cuts, bad roads and overloaded means of transportation are facts of life.
The mushrooming growth of the new educational malls providing half-baked degrees to aspiring youth and the huge number of increasing urban and rural unemployed semi-skilled work force can't get on to the agendas of any politician unless they form a usable vote bank.
The urban public amenities, buses, railway stations and localities of the low-income group working people show unbelievable depths of human misery, filth, anarchical systemic failure and life in sub-human conditions.
If those who won on the basis of factors quite differently than the real democracy is all about, should it mean the issues so dear to the ideological soldiers be shelved? Or should it make our battle more resolved?
And it also means asking questions like what's the use of religious chants if the followers of Ram go to sleep on empty stomachs? This is not what we have learnt from Vivekananda.
If we have to find a way for our identity protection, that can't only be through a society that is educated and free from want. Hence, this war is ideological and not for the singular aim of materialistic prosperity, roads, bridges and IT centres.
Indian wisdom and civilisational excellence has always reigned supreme defeating the sword wielders and the controllers of wealth.
If we win the war of ideas, we shall be richer with both Vidya (wisdom) and Vitta (wealth). But if riches come to us without ideological firmness, nothing would be saved -- neither wealth nor Dharma.
Sunday, May 24, 2009
Talk tough to tackle terror
Hindustan TimesMay 21, 2009
Tarun Vijay
Tarun Vijay
Pakistan was created because its leaders said they could not live with Hindus and they needed a separate State. This is the basic truth, but we seem to forget this all the time because we are under the spell of a mirage called secular diplomacy.
Since its birth, the country gave us the Mirpur massacre, a Kargil and an unstable and volatile Swat Valley. There is more: they ‘gifted’ our 4,853 sq km of land to China, waged Operation Topac in Punjab and fuelled separatism and terrorism in Kashmir. But when they were badly bruised by their homegrown ‘freedom fighters’, they began playing the victim card.
Even after all this, it’s quite amazing that they have the guts to call themselves victims of terrorism. But what about those people who buy this argument? Whenever Pakistan has been buoyed by the US’s financial and military support, they have attacked us. They have also manufactured the Islamic bomb. Every single missile they produced (Ghauri, Ghazni, Qasim) was named after people who were known for their hatred against Hindus. And yet we have people who tell us that Pakistan too is a victim of ‘non-State players’ and the two countries should fight terrorism together.
What the Swat Valley is facing today must be seen in its historical context. Swat was a great centre of learning and it sent Buddhist monks all over the world to spread the message of peace and compassion. The original name of this beautiful region was Udyan and this finds a mention in ancient Buddhist and Hindu scriptures. Chinese travellers have written about Swat’s majestic beauty and more than 1,400 Buddhist monasteries flourished there. The Kushans and Hindu Shahis ruled till 1001 CE when Mahmud of Ghazni invaded the area.
Swat’s neighbouring areas are the Gilgit, Chitral, Kafiristan and Hindukush mountain ranges. As the names suggest, all these regions have an indelible Hindu imprint but the conquerors renamed the areas with a vengeance. Hindukush is a mountain where Hindus were crushed and Kapish was called Kafiristan, because the inhabitants were non-Muslims.
When an Afghan ruler invaded the area in 1895, he forcibly converted all and then renamed the region as Nuristan — the land of light. So, what Swat’s Hindus and Sikhs are facing today is a continuation of what happened to Hindus since the Muslim invasions began.
Guru Nanak faced the same barbarians. In 1523, Babar attacked India and after crossing Sindhu entered Saiadpur (now Amnabad), 15 kilometre south east of Gujranwala. His soldiers killed and looted, turning a city of life into a ghost town of dead bodies. Guru Nanak saw this, and used the word ‘Zabar’ (ferocious) for Babar.
You could say forget it, bygones are bygones. But this Hindu attitude of forgetting the bitter past and beginning a new friendship has always remained unreciprocated. Various armed lords are controlling Pakistan. Islamabad’s authority has lost its relevance except for the army and the US. Washington is once again fattening the army coffers, repeating the historical blunder of General Zia’s period. The only way to strengthen peace and plurality in the region is India’s democracy. Whichever party rules India, they must not allow any kind of extremism like we see in our neighbourhood. Pakistan has become self-destructive.
However, Delhi can’t say that it will not do anything. We are affected by Islamabad’s follies more than the US. Therefore, it’s our responsibility to check religious fanaticism in that country.
Since its birth, the country gave us the Mirpur massacre, a Kargil and an unstable and volatile Swat Valley. There is more: they ‘gifted’ our 4,853 sq km of land to China, waged Operation Topac in Punjab and fuelled separatism and terrorism in Kashmir. But when they were badly bruised by their homegrown ‘freedom fighters’, they began playing the victim card.
Even after all this, it’s quite amazing that they have the guts to call themselves victims of terrorism. But what about those people who buy this argument? Whenever Pakistan has been buoyed by the US’s financial and military support, they have attacked us. They have also manufactured the Islamic bomb. Every single missile they produced (Ghauri, Ghazni, Qasim) was named after people who were known for their hatred against Hindus. And yet we have people who tell us that Pakistan too is a victim of ‘non-State players’ and the two countries should fight terrorism together.
What the Swat Valley is facing today must be seen in its historical context. Swat was a great centre of learning and it sent Buddhist monks all over the world to spread the message of peace and compassion. The original name of this beautiful region was Udyan and this finds a mention in ancient Buddhist and Hindu scriptures. Chinese travellers have written about Swat’s majestic beauty and more than 1,400 Buddhist monasteries flourished there. The Kushans and Hindu Shahis ruled till 1001 CE when Mahmud of Ghazni invaded the area.
Swat’s neighbouring areas are the Gilgit, Chitral, Kafiristan and Hindukush mountain ranges. As the names suggest, all these regions have an indelible Hindu imprint but the conquerors renamed the areas with a vengeance. Hindukush is a mountain where Hindus were crushed and Kapish was called Kafiristan, because the inhabitants were non-Muslims.
When an Afghan ruler invaded the area in 1895, he forcibly converted all and then renamed the region as Nuristan — the land of light. So, what Swat’s Hindus and Sikhs are facing today is a continuation of what happened to Hindus since the Muslim invasions began.
Guru Nanak faced the same barbarians. In 1523, Babar attacked India and after crossing Sindhu entered Saiadpur (now Amnabad), 15 kilometre south east of Gujranwala. His soldiers killed and looted, turning a city of life into a ghost town of dead bodies. Guru Nanak saw this, and used the word ‘Zabar’ (ferocious) for Babar.
You could say forget it, bygones are bygones. But this Hindu attitude of forgetting the bitter past and beginning a new friendship has always remained unreciprocated. Various armed lords are controlling Pakistan. Islamabad’s authority has lost its relevance except for the army and the US. Washington is once again fattening the army coffers, repeating the historical blunder of General Zia’s period. The only way to strengthen peace and plurality in the region is India’s democracy. Whichever party rules India, they must not allow any kind of extremism like we see in our neighbourhood. Pakistan has become self-destructive.
However, Delhi can’t say that it will not do anything. We are affected by Islamabad’s follies more than the US. Therefore, it’s our responsibility to check religious fanaticism in that country.
Direction was right but failed to reach people
ET DEBATE
22 May, 2009
Tarun Vijay
22 May, 2009
Tarun Vijay
The issues were just those the people wanted BJP to raise — harsh on terror; IT for the rural folks and commoners; five lakh Kashmiri Hindus be sent back; illegal Bangladeshi infiltration to be stopped; opposing Raj Thackeray’s divisive parochialism; bringing back black money from Swiss banks and de-communalising state schemes; making secularism mean seeing citizens as Indians and ending appeasement on religious grounds.
The best of the highway schemes, telecommunication revolution, roads, improved power supply and novel schemes for the girl child were essentially BJP initiatives earning laurels from bodies like planning Commission to the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation.
BJP’s direction was decided by nationalism and not by family fiefdoms or Afzal-Quattrocchi centric considerations of an extra-constitutional variety. It stood firmly against the bloody jihadis of Nizame-Mustafa and Nizame-Marx kind and was the first party in India’s history to introduce 30% reservation for women.
It was the only party that had a clear policy framed for youth and infrastructure building with an assured economic package for farmers. Anything wrong in that?
Those who blame Hindutva forget that if India was not a Hindu majority we would have gone the Pakistan way. The entire south Asia is facing a rapid marginalisation and decrease in Hindu population. State powers are blatantly bruising Hindu sentiments for vote banks — communal reservations and hurting the majority on issues like Ram Setu. Why it has become a ‘sin’ to speak for them who continue to be brutalised from Swat to Srinagar?
Never in post-Independence history have security forces felt so letdown; ex-army personnel even returned their well-earned war-decorations in frustration. BJP took up their anguish. The top industrialists and corporate giants publicly appreciating BJP policies was a rare phenomenon.
Was it prompted by BJP’s ‘wrong’ direction? With the bright young radiant faces of the rich and powerful families entering Parliament triumphantly, Indian democracy has come a full circle. From Gandhi’s salt movement to a dynastic movement. The BJP direction was just right. The fault lies somewhere in reaching out to the people.
The best of the highway schemes, telecommunication revolution, roads, improved power supply and novel schemes for the girl child were essentially BJP initiatives earning laurels from bodies like planning Commission to the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation.
BJP’s direction was decided by nationalism and not by family fiefdoms or Afzal-Quattrocchi centric considerations of an extra-constitutional variety. It stood firmly against the bloody jihadis of Nizame-Mustafa and Nizame-Marx kind and was the first party in India’s history to introduce 30% reservation for women.
It was the only party that had a clear policy framed for youth and infrastructure building with an assured economic package for farmers. Anything wrong in that?
Those who blame Hindutva forget that if India was not a Hindu majority we would have gone the Pakistan way. The entire south Asia is facing a rapid marginalisation and decrease in Hindu population. State powers are blatantly bruising Hindu sentiments for vote banks — communal reservations and hurting the majority on issues like Ram Setu. Why it has become a ‘sin’ to speak for them who continue to be brutalised from Swat to Srinagar?
Never in post-Independence history have security forces felt so letdown; ex-army personnel even returned their well-earned war-decorations in frustration. BJP took up their anguish. The top industrialists and corporate giants publicly appreciating BJP policies was a rare phenomenon.
Was it prompted by BJP’s ‘wrong’ direction? With the bright young radiant faces of the rich and powerful families entering Parliament triumphantly, Indian democracy has come a full circle. From Gandhi’s salt movement to a dynastic movement. The BJP direction was just right. The fault lies somewhere in reaching out to the people.
PRAVASI BHARATIYA DIVAS
MR. TARUN VIJAY, MADE SOME NOTABLE SUGGESTIONS, -
ESTABLISHMENT OF A PRAVASI BHARTIYA CHAIR TO DOCUMENT THE LEARNING’S
OF THE INDIAN DIASPORA IN THEIR STAY ABROAD ENCOURAGE THE STUDY OF
INDIAN CIVILISATION THROUGH CULTURAL EXCHANGE PROGRAMMES ORGANISED BY
THE ICCR (INDIAN COUNCIL FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS) INSTITUTION OF AN
ANNUAL PRAVASI YOUTH AWARD THAT COULD BE GIVEN AWAY ON THE OCCASION OF
THE YOUTH ICON SWAMI VIVEKANAND’S BIRTH ANNIVERSARY ON JANUARY 12
On the first day of the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas, a special session
based on the theme Diaspora Youth and India, Blueprint for Engagement
was chaired by the dynamic and young parliamentarian, Mr. Jyotirditya
Scindia. This interactive session drew a lot of enthusiasm from the
Diaspora youths.
Mr Scindia identified Culture, Education and Health as the three focus
areas for development. He stressed on the need for two-way exchange
programmes, distance learning programmes and the need for initiating
world-class institutes in India. He was of the opinion that the
Diaspora youth could lend its support by volunteering their time and
effort to developing the health sector as India seeks to create a
market for health services and attract private investment in this
sector. In a special address, Mr. Arun Shourie, Minister of
Disinvestments and Communications & Information Technology encouraged
the Diaspora youth to excel in their chosen field of interest and
profession, so as to keep India shining. He urged them to keep their
connections alive with India and work in partnership with this country
through a healthy transfer and exchange of best practices from across
the world in terms of laws, policies, procedures, technology and
practices.
The session was moderated by the vivacious Ruby Bhatia who summed up
saying that youth from both overseas and India need to dispel their
illusions and engage in cultural exchange programmes, build a
collective identity and consider setting up a Youth Diaspora body. She
mooted the suggestion of creating a virtual community with the
assistance of a youth specific portal.
Other prominent speakers in the session included Mr. Shiren Dewani,
Senior Associate, Reorganisation Services, Deloitte & Touche, UK; Ms.
S. Mitra Kalita, President, SAJA, USA; Mr. Parag Khanna, World
Economic Forum Global Governance Initiative, The Brookings
Institution, USA; Mr. Karan Manhas, MLA, Vancouver, Canada; Ravindren
C Ponniah, Student Malaysia; Mr. S. Arunachalam, Director, AR
International, Hong Kong; Mr. Anand Shah, Indicorps, USA and Mr. Tarun
Vijay, Editor, Panchjanya.
Each one of the speakers expressed their emotional attachment to their
Indian Origin and immense pride in their heritage. They felt that even
though they were now natives of other countries, they will be Indians
in their heart forever.
Mr. Tarun Vijay, Editor, Panchjanya made some notable suggestions, -
Establishment of a Pravasi Bhartiya Chair to document the learning’s
of the Indian Diaspora in their stay abroad Encourage the study of
Indian civilisation through cultural exchange programmes organised by
the ICCR (Indian Council for Cultural Relations) Institution of an
annual Pravasi Youth award that could be given away on the occasion of
the youth icon Swami Vivekanand’s birth anniversary on January 12
Pravasi Bharatiya Divas 2004 is being jointly organised by the
Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), Government of India and the
Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) from
January 9-11, 2004. The three-day event was inaugurated by the Prime
Minister of India, Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee and followed by the
presentation of Pravasi Bharatiya Samman Awards 2004.
January 9 each year has been chosen as the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas
both in India and abroad as it was on this date in 1915 that Mahatma
Gandhi finally returned to India after almost two decades in South
Africa. The recommendation of celebration of the Pravasi Bharatiya
Divas had been made to recognise the contribution of the Indian
Diaspora in the political, economic, social, academic and cultural
fields.
ESTABLISHMENT OF A PRAVASI BHARTIYA CHAIR TO DOCUMENT THE LEARNING’S
OF THE INDIAN DIASPORA IN THEIR STAY ABROAD ENCOURAGE THE STUDY OF
INDIAN CIVILISATION THROUGH CULTURAL EXCHANGE PROGRAMMES ORGANISED BY
THE ICCR (INDIAN COUNCIL FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS) INSTITUTION OF AN
ANNUAL PRAVASI YOUTH AWARD THAT COULD BE GIVEN AWAY ON THE OCCASION OF
THE YOUTH ICON SWAMI VIVEKANAND’S BIRTH ANNIVERSARY ON JANUARY 12
On the first day of the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas, a special session
based on the theme Diaspora Youth and India, Blueprint for Engagement
was chaired by the dynamic and young parliamentarian, Mr. Jyotirditya
Scindia. This interactive session drew a lot of enthusiasm from the
Diaspora youths.
Mr Scindia identified Culture, Education and Health as the three focus
areas for development. He stressed on the need for two-way exchange
programmes, distance learning programmes and the need for initiating
world-class institutes in India. He was of the opinion that the
Diaspora youth could lend its support by volunteering their time and
effort to developing the health sector as India seeks to create a
market for health services and attract private investment in this
sector. In a special address, Mr. Arun Shourie, Minister of
Disinvestments and Communications & Information Technology encouraged
the Diaspora youth to excel in their chosen field of interest and
profession, so as to keep India shining. He urged them to keep their
connections alive with India and work in partnership with this country
through a healthy transfer and exchange of best practices from across
the world in terms of laws, policies, procedures, technology and
practices.
The session was moderated by the vivacious Ruby Bhatia who summed up
saying that youth from both overseas and India need to dispel their
illusions and engage in cultural exchange programmes, build a
collective identity and consider setting up a Youth Diaspora body. She
mooted the suggestion of creating a virtual community with the
assistance of a youth specific portal.
Other prominent speakers in the session included Mr. Shiren Dewani,
Senior Associate, Reorganisation Services, Deloitte & Touche, UK; Ms.
S. Mitra Kalita, President, SAJA, USA; Mr. Parag Khanna, World
Economic Forum Global Governance Initiative, The Brookings
Institution, USA; Mr. Karan Manhas, MLA, Vancouver, Canada; Ravindren
C Ponniah, Student Malaysia; Mr. S. Arunachalam, Director, AR
International, Hong Kong; Mr. Anand Shah, Indicorps, USA and Mr. Tarun
Vijay, Editor, Panchjanya.
Each one of the speakers expressed their emotional attachment to their
Indian Origin and immense pride in their heritage. They felt that even
though they were now natives of other countries, they will be Indians
in their heart forever.
Mr. Tarun Vijay, Editor, Panchjanya made some notable suggestions, -
Establishment of a Pravasi Bhartiya Chair to document the learning’s
of the Indian Diaspora in their stay abroad Encourage the study of
Indian civilisation through cultural exchange programmes organised by
the ICCR (Indian Council for Cultural Relations) Institution of an
annual Pravasi Youth award that could be given away on the occasion of
the youth icon Swami Vivekanand’s birth anniversary on January 12
Pravasi Bharatiya Divas 2004 is being jointly organised by the
Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), Government of India and the
Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) from
January 9-11, 2004. The three-day event was inaugurated by the Prime
Minister of India, Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee and followed by the
presentation of Pravasi Bharatiya Samman Awards 2004.
January 9 each year has been chosen as the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas
both in India and abroad as it was on this date in 1915 that Mahatma
Gandhi finally returned to India after almost two decades in South
Africa. The recommendation of celebration of the Pravasi Bharatiya
Divas had been made to recognise the contribution of the Indian
Diaspora in the political, economic, social, academic and cultural
fields.
Tuesday, May 19, 2009
आत्मचिंतन का अवसर
दैनिक जागरण
17 May, 2009
तरुण विजय
17 May, 2009
तरुण विजय
जब देश कठिन चुनौतियों से घिरा हो तब अपनी जीत या हार के मुद्दे को पृथक रखते हुए यह देखना चाहिए कि देश ने एक राष्ट्रीय प्रभाव वाले दल के नेतृत्व में गठबंधन सरकार का जनादेश दिया है और बंगाल में वामपंथियों का पराभव हुआ है। ये दोनों ही स्थितियां व्यापक राष्ट्रीय हित की दृष्टि से स्वागत योग्य हैं। सुरक्षा और आर्थिक चुनौतियों के मुकाबले के लिए संकीर्ण क्षेत्रीयतावादी दलों की अपेक्षा राष्ट्रीय दल का स्थायित्व देने वाला शासन अधिक स्वीकार्य होना चाहिए। इस परिणाम की न तो काग्रेस को आशा थी और न ही भाजपा को। आतंकवाद, महंगाई, बेरोजगारी, हिंदुओं के प्रति संाप्रदायिक भेदभाव और मुस्लिम तुष्टीकरण जैसे विषय सामने होते हुए काग्रेस के नेतृत्व में संप्रग जीत गया। इसका अर्थ यह कतई नहीं लगाना चाहिए कि संप्रग की विफलताओं को प्रकट करने वाले तमाम मुद्दे गलत थे या उन पर जनता उद्वेलित नहीं थी। यह वैसे ही होगा जैसे बादलों से भरे आकाश में सूर्य को अनुपस्थित मान लिया जाए। भाजपा को जिन क्षेत्रों में विजय की संभावना थी वहा वह जीती ही है। जहा से उसे अतिरिक्त सीटें मिलने की आशा थी वहा वैसा नहीं हुआ। इसका विश्लेषण करना होगा। कर्नाटक, गुजरात, मध्य प्रदेश जैसे प्रांतों में प्रखर और असंदिग्ध हिंदुत्व के साथ आम जनजीवन के विकास, शिक्षा और महिला सशक्तीकरण जैसे मुद्दे जुड़े तो विधानसभा से लोकसभा तक सफलताएं मिलीं। पारस्परिक मतैक्य, सामंजस्य और विनम्रता के साथ कार्यकर्ताओं को आत्मीय बंधन में जहा बाधा गया वहा भाजपा का विस्तार हुआ। जहा अंतरकलह अखबारों के पहले पन्ने पर छह-छह महीने छाई रही वहा हारे। भाजपा के जन्म में उस राष्ट्रवाद की रक्षा का संकल्प छिपा है जो हिंदुत्व के प्रति शर्मिंदा नहीं, गौरवान्वित करता है। अत: भाजपा को जनादेश प्रखर विचारधारा में आबद्ध संगठन विस्तार की चुनौती के रूप में लेना चाहिए और नए कलेवर के साथ पुनरोदय के लिए जुटना चाहिए। भाजपा ने गाधीवादी समाजवाद से रामरथ यात्रा तक का भी सफर तय किया है, यह याद रखना चाहिए। जब भी वह विचारधारा पर अडिग रही है उसका समर्थन बढ़ा है। उसने 2 सीटों से 184 सीटों तक का भी सफर तय किया है, यह किस आधार पर हुआ?
मुख्य बात है संख्या बल। संख्या बल तब आता है जब आत्मबल मजबूत हो। भाजपा का आत्मबल वैचारिक निष्ठा से शक्ति पाता है। अगर वैचारिक निष्ठा प्रबल नहीं है तो भाजपा और बाकी दलों में अंतर क्या रह जाएगा? अगर भाजपा ने अपने रंग को हल्का किया तो उसका जो वर्तमान जनाधार है वह न केवल अधिक दरक जाएगा, बल्कि नया जनाधार भी नहीं बनेगा। यह समय शात मन से विश्लेषण करने और निर्ममतापूर्वक उन कमियों को दूर करने का है जो भाजपा की बढ़त में बाधक हैं। अब मुख्य चुनौती अगले चुनावों में, वे जब भी हों, अपने दम पर पूर्ण बहुमत लाने के लिए काम करने की है। भाजपा की हर सरकार को पं. दीनदयाल उपाध्याय की सादगी, समर्पण, कार्यकर्ताओं से आत्मीयता और बहुमुखी जनविकास का आदर्श नमूना बनाने का प्रयास करना चाहिए। देश जिन चुनौतियों से घिरा हुआ है उसमें सत्ता पक्ष के साथ राष्ट्रीय मुद्दों पर रचनात्मक सहयोग की भूमिका लेते हुए ऐसा कड़ा विपक्ष देना चाहिए जो सरकार को किसी भी प्रश्न पर कमजोरी न दिखाने दे। संप्रग की जीत का यह अर्थ नहीं है कि क्वात्रोची जैसे मामले, सीबीआई जैसी संस्थाओं में सरकारी दखल, आतंकवाद और बेरोजगारी जैसे मुद्दे निरर्थक हो गए। कड़े विपक्ष की भूमिका में तपते हुए भाजपा को भी आत्ममंथन और आत्मसुधार का मौका मिलेगा।
सोलह मई के नतीजों ने एक ऐसे भारत की संसद चुनी है जिसके 55 प्रतिशत नागरिक गरीबी और उपेक्षा का जीवन बिता रहे हैं। लगभग 28 करोड़ भारतीय गरीबी रेखा से नीचे यानी 50 रुपए प्रतिदिन से भी कम आय पर गुजारा कर रहे हैं तो 19 करोड़ की दैनिक आय 50 से 60 रुपए प्रतिदिन है और अन्य 17 करोड़ 60 से 70 रुपए प्रतिदिन पर जीवन बिता रहे हैं। 25 से 35 प्रतिशत तक मध्यवर्गीय और निम्नमध्यवर्गीय हैं तो शेष 10 प्रतिशत अमीर देश के अधिकाश संसाधनों पर नियंत्रण किए दिखते हैं। ऐसी स्थिति में उस महान और विराट भारतीय स्वप्न को साकार करने कौन सा नेतृत्व उभरकर आ सकेगा जो खतरों से घिरी भारतीय सीमा और आर्थिक बदहाली की शिकार आम भारतीय प्रजा के दु:ख निवारण के लिए ईमानदार प्रतिबद्धता के साथ शक्ति संचय कर सके? जिसे अपनी हिंदू विरासत पर शर्मिंदगी न हो, खम ठोककर स्वात से श्रीनगर तक हिंदू-सिख व्यथा दूर करने के लिए निर्भीक तेजस्विता के साथ खड़ा हो सके। वह भारतीय स्वप्न जिसमें सीमाएं सुरक्षित, शत्रु भयभीत, देशभक्त निर्द्वंद्व तथा समाज विद्या, धन और आपसी सामंजस्य से परिपूर्ण हो, आज किस नेता की आखों में दिखता है? आज तो नेपाल और बांग्लादेश तक में हिंदू विरोधी तत्व हमें आखें दिखा रहे हैं।
श्रीलंका में तमिलों के साथ भीषण अत्याचार हो रहे हैं, लाखो तमिल परिवारों के शरणाथर्ीं बनने की व्यथा के प्रति भारत का राजनीतिक वर्ग पूर्णत: उदासीन दिखता है। प्रातीयतावाद इतना हावी है कि कश्मीरियों का दर्द व्यक्त करना जम्मू का दायित्व है, महाराष्ट्र या उड़ीसा का नहीं और तमिलों की वेदना पर कार्रवाई के लिए तमिलनाडु के नेता बोलेंगे, बिहार या पंजाब के नहीं। अखिल भारतीय दृष्टि और भारत के हर हिस्से की वेदना पर हर दूसरे क्षेत्र में समानरूपेण प्रतिध्वनि का भाव गहरा होने के बजाय विरल ही होता जा रहा है। इसलिए राजनीति के वर्तमान खंडित स्वरूप को एक अस्थाई और अस्वीकार्य दौर के रूप में मानकर एक ऐसी अखिल भारतीय समदृष्टि वाली राजनीति के लिए प्रयास आरंभ करने चाहिए जिसमें हर क्षेत्र की आकाक्षाओं और विकास का समानरूपेण ध्यान रखने वाला राष्ट्रीय नेतृत्व विकसित हो।
मुख्य बात है संख्या बल। संख्या बल तब आता है जब आत्मबल मजबूत हो। भाजपा का आत्मबल वैचारिक निष्ठा से शक्ति पाता है। अगर वैचारिक निष्ठा प्रबल नहीं है तो भाजपा और बाकी दलों में अंतर क्या रह जाएगा? अगर भाजपा ने अपने रंग को हल्का किया तो उसका जो वर्तमान जनाधार है वह न केवल अधिक दरक जाएगा, बल्कि नया जनाधार भी नहीं बनेगा। यह समय शात मन से विश्लेषण करने और निर्ममतापूर्वक उन कमियों को दूर करने का है जो भाजपा की बढ़त में बाधक हैं। अब मुख्य चुनौती अगले चुनावों में, वे जब भी हों, अपने दम पर पूर्ण बहुमत लाने के लिए काम करने की है। भाजपा की हर सरकार को पं. दीनदयाल उपाध्याय की सादगी, समर्पण, कार्यकर्ताओं से आत्मीयता और बहुमुखी जनविकास का आदर्श नमूना बनाने का प्रयास करना चाहिए। देश जिन चुनौतियों से घिरा हुआ है उसमें सत्ता पक्ष के साथ राष्ट्रीय मुद्दों पर रचनात्मक सहयोग की भूमिका लेते हुए ऐसा कड़ा विपक्ष देना चाहिए जो सरकार को किसी भी प्रश्न पर कमजोरी न दिखाने दे। संप्रग की जीत का यह अर्थ नहीं है कि क्वात्रोची जैसे मामले, सीबीआई जैसी संस्थाओं में सरकारी दखल, आतंकवाद और बेरोजगारी जैसे मुद्दे निरर्थक हो गए। कड़े विपक्ष की भूमिका में तपते हुए भाजपा को भी आत्ममंथन और आत्मसुधार का मौका मिलेगा।
सोलह मई के नतीजों ने एक ऐसे भारत की संसद चुनी है जिसके 55 प्रतिशत नागरिक गरीबी और उपेक्षा का जीवन बिता रहे हैं। लगभग 28 करोड़ भारतीय गरीबी रेखा से नीचे यानी 50 रुपए प्रतिदिन से भी कम आय पर गुजारा कर रहे हैं तो 19 करोड़ की दैनिक आय 50 से 60 रुपए प्रतिदिन है और अन्य 17 करोड़ 60 से 70 रुपए प्रतिदिन पर जीवन बिता रहे हैं। 25 से 35 प्रतिशत तक मध्यवर्गीय और निम्नमध्यवर्गीय हैं तो शेष 10 प्रतिशत अमीर देश के अधिकाश संसाधनों पर नियंत्रण किए दिखते हैं। ऐसी स्थिति में उस महान और विराट भारतीय स्वप्न को साकार करने कौन सा नेतृत्व उभरकर आ सकेगा जो खतरों से घिरी भारतीय सीमा और आर्थिक बदहाली की शिकार आम भारतीय प्रजा के दु:ख निवारण के लिए ईमानदार प्रतिबद्धता के साथ शक्ति संचय कर सके? जिसे अपनी हिंदू विरासत पर शर्मिंदगी न हो, खम ठोककर स्वात से श्रीनगर तक हिंदू-सिख व्यथा दूर करने के लिए निर्भीक तेजस्विता के साथ खड़ा हो सके। वह भारतीय स्वप्न जिसमें सीमाएं सुरक्षित, शत्रु भयभीत, देशभक्त निर्द्वंद्व तथा समाज विद्या, धन और आपसी सामंजस्य से परिपूर्ण हो, आज किस नेता की आखों में दिखता है? आज तो नेपाल और बांग्लादेश तक में हिंदू विरोधी तत्व हमें आखें दिखा रहे हैं।
श्रीलंका में तमिलों के साथ भीषण अत्याचार हो रहे हैं, लाखो तमिल परिवारों के शरणाथर्ीं बनने की व्यथा के प्रति भारत का राजनीतिक वर्ग पूर्णत: उदासीन दिखता है। प्रातीयतावाद इतना हावी है कि कश्मीरियों का दर्द व्यक्त करना जम्मू का दायित्व है, महाराष्ट्र या उड़ीसा का नहीं और तमिलों की वेदना पर कार्रवाई के लिए तमिलनाडु के नेता बोलेंगे, बिहार या पंजाब के नहीं। अखिल भारतीय दृष्टि और भारत के हर हिस्से की वेदना पर हर दूसरे क्षेत्र में समानरूपेण प्रतिध्वनि का भाव गहरा होने के बजाय विरल ही होता जा रहा है। इसलिए राजनीति के वर्तमान खंडित स्वरूप को एक अस्थाई और अस्वीकार्य दौर के रूप में मानकर एक ऐसी अखिल भारतीय समदृष्टि वाली राजनीति के लिए प्रयास आरंभ करने चाहिए जिसमें हर क्षेत्र की आकाक्षाओं और विकास का समानरूपेण ध्यान रखने वाला राष्ट्रीय नेतृत्व विकसित हो।
Ayutthya Diary by Tarun Vijay
Outlook
17th May 2009
17th May 2009
A Conclave Of Gods
Bangkok’s international airport, which is claimed to be the world’s biggest, is called Suvarnabhumi—a pure Sanskrit word, which gives me my first glimpse of how deep ancient Indian and Hindu influences run in Thailand. The road leading from the airport to the city is named after Rama IX, and there’s another road named after Rama I. I see a huge sculpture of the great churning of the ocean, with Vishnu as its magnificent centerpiece.
Thailand is a country where Rama and Ganesha coexist happily with Buddha and Avalokiteshwara. A Chinese Buddhist lady monk has built a fabulous Shiva temple (though it leaves an Indian devotee rather bewildered), and Ganesha worship is spreading like a reinvented rage amongst the youth. Shops, homes and street corners have Ganapati images in tiny, beautiful wooden shrines, about the size of the little tree-houses we use to feed birds. Songkran (from the Sanskrit Sankranti) is the Thai new year, which also comes close to Baisakhi—13th April—and I had to address a couple of new year meetings in Bangkok organised by the Hindu Swayamsewak Sangh. The present king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, Rama IX, is a living legend, the longest serving monarch on the planet today.
Solitude At Sangam
The ubiquitous presence of Ram in this deeply Buddhist land made me decide to cancel a weekend in Pattaya, and go instead to Ayutthya, the tranquil ancient capital of Thailand—a decision I will never regret. If Bangkok dazzles with its superb infrastructure and perfectly designed signage, and frazzles with its horrific traffic jams, Ayutthya soothes. The city, which derives its name from Rama’s Ayodhya, is just 76 km from Bangkok. It is majestically situated on the confluence of three rivers, the Chao Phraya, Pasak, and Loburi. Its Buddhist splendour is enchanting, and the vast expanse of ruins of temples and palaces, dotted with banyan and peepal trees, makes an awe-inspiring sight. Ayutthya was a flourishing capital for more than four centuries, till the Burmese destroyed it in 1765. It reminded me of Hampi—how and why did such a great city fall into decay?
Ayutthya today is calmness incarnate. Clean, serene, and welcoming to tourists. The absence of concrete and glass structures, the dominance of eight century-old relics, gives it a look of being in a perpetual state of silent yoga. Hindus in India must learn a few things from this Ayutthya—how to keep temples clean, preserve heritage with respect, and be courteous to devotees and visitors, without arrogant, clamorous priests looking to extort their money.
The structures bear the unmistakable stamp of Khmer architecture, with huge royal halls, soaring temple domes and grand images of meditating and reclining Buddhas. The spontaneous laughter of child bhikkus (monks) flows through this ancient city like a rivulet in a rain forest.
People are transparently religious, and generous in their donations to monks, monasteries and temples. I am told about a poor woman who won a million dollars in a lottery, built a ‘wat’ and a temple with her winnings, and donated the rest of her money for their upkeep, while she continued to live in penury. There is a small mosque, bearing the name of Pakistan, apparently built with money from that country, and a church called ‘Blessings of Ayutthya’. The king ensures equal protection to all faiths, though his chief priest’s temple is known as Devasthan and has Shiva as the presiding deity. The Portuguese, Dutch, British and French visited Ayutthya between the 16th and 17th centuries, but there is no recorded mention of any Indian contact, although Indian influence is only too visible.
Thaksin, Tocsin
Dinesh Dube, a second-generation Thai entrepreneur, says Indians are welcomed, respected and trusted. But I find that they are rather lost in their own Gorakhpur-Ludhiana world, while earning in a land that teaches Sanskrit in four universities. The Indian community is deeply subdivided into Biharis, UP-wallahs, Gujaratis and Punjabis, and hardly makes any effort to identify with the Thai cultural milieu. The Chinese have an overwhelming presence and influence, using the Buddha route to maximise their ties with a strategic partner. Alas, Delhi has not capitalised on Buddha in the same way, though of late efforts to fortify age-old Ganga-Mekong friendship fibres are slowly yielding some results.
Taksin is a name Ayutthya never forgets. An ambitious Thai general who promoted himself to be king after Ayuthya’s fall and ruled from the other bank of Chao Phraya River, he became so powerful that he declared himself a Buddha incarnate. His ministers eventually revolted and executed him. Today, another Thaksin with his Red Shirt troopers—former prime minister Thaksin Sinawatra, who was charged and convicted for corruption—is ambitiously trying to overthrow the Thai government, even forcing it to cancel the prestigious ASEAN meet at Pattaya. It dealt a deep blow to national honour.
Bangkok’s international airport, which is claimed to be the world’s biggest, is called Suvarnabhumi—a pure Sanskrit word, which gives me my first glimpse of how deep ancient Indian and Hindu influences run in Thailand. The road leading from the airport to the city is named after Rama IX, and there’s another road named after Rama I. I see a huge sculpture of the great churning of the ocean, with Vishnu as its magnificent centerpiece.
Thailand is a country where Rama and Ganesha coexist happily with Buddha and Avalokiteshwara. A Chinese Buddhist lady monk has built a fabulous Shiva temple (though it leaves an Indian devotee rather bewildered), and Ganesha worship is spreading like a reinvented rage amongst the youth. Shops, homes and street corners have Ganapati images in tiny, beautiful wooden shrines, about the size of the little tree-houses we use to feed birds. Songkran (from the Sanskrit Sankranti) is the Thai new year, which also comes close to Baisakhi—13th April—and I had to address a couple of new year meetings in Bangkok organised by the Hindu Swayamsewak Sangh. The present king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, Rama IX, is a living legend, the longest serving monarch on the planet today.
Solitude At Sangam
The ubiquitous presence of Ram in this deeply Buddhist land made me decide to cancel a weekend in Pattaya, and go instead to Ayutthya, the tranquil ancient capital of Thailand—a decision I will never regret. If Bangkok dazzles with its superb infrastructure and perfectly designed signage, and frazzles with its horrific traffic jams, Ayutthya soothes. The city, which derives its name from Rama’s Ayodhya, is just 76 km from Bangkok. It is majestically situated on the confluence of three rivers, the Chao Phraya, Pasak, and Loburi. Its Buddhist splendour is enchanting, and the vast expanse of ruins of temples and palaces, dotted with banyan and peepal trees, makes an awe-inspiring sight. Ayutthya was a flourishing capital for more than four centuries, till the Burmese destroyed it in 1765. It reminded me of Hampi—how and why did such a great city fall into decay?
Ayutthya today is calmness incarnate. Clean, serene, and welcoming to tourists. The absence of concrete and glass structures, the dominance of eight century-old relics, gives it a look of being in a perpetual state of silent yoga. Hindus in India must learn a few things from this Ayutthya—how to keep temples clean, preserve heritage with respect, and be courteous to devotees and visitors, without arrogant, clamorous priests looking to extort their money.
The structures bear the unmistakable stamp of Khmer architecture, with huge royal halls, soaring temple domes and grand images of meditating and reclining Buddhas. The spontaneous laughter of child bhikkus (monks) flows through this ancient city like a rivulet in a rain forest.
People are transparently religious, and generous in their donations to monks, monasteries and temples. I am told about a poor woman who won a million dollars in a lottery, built a ‘wat’ and a temple with her winnings, and donated the rest of her money for their upkeep, while she continued to live in penury. There is a small mosque, bearing the name of Pakistan, apparently built with money from that country, and a church called ‘Blessings of Ayutthya’. The king ensures equal protection to all faiths, though his chief priest’s temple is known as Devasthan and has Shiva as the presiding deity. The Portuguese, Dutch, British and French visited Ayutthya between the 16th and 17th centuries, but there is no recorded mention of any Indian contact, although Indian influence is only too visible.
Thaksin, Tocsin
Dinesh Dube, a second-generation Thai entrepreneur, says Indians are welcomed, respected and trusted. But I find that they are rather lost in their own Gorakhpur-Ludhiana world, while earning in a land that teaches Sanskrit in four universities. The Indian community is deeply subdivided into Biharis, UP-wallahs, Gujaratis and Punjabis, and hardly makes any effort to identify with the Thai cultural milieu. The Chinese have an overwhelming presence and influence, using the Buddha route to maximise their ties with a strategic partner. Alas, Delhi has not capitalised on Buddha in the same way, though of late efforts to fortify age-old Ganga-Mekong friendship fibres are slowly yielding some results.
Taksin is a name Ayutthya never forgets. An ambitious Thai general who promoted himself to be king after Ayuthya’s fall and ruled from the other bank of Chao Phraya River, he became so powerful that he declared himself a Buddha incarnate. His ministers eventually revolted and executed him. Today, another Thaksin with his Red Shirt troopers—former prime minister Thaksin Sinawatra, who was charged and convicted for corruption—is ambitiously trying to overthrow the Thai government, even forcing it to cancel the prestigious ASEAN meet at Pattaya. It dealt a deep blow to national honour.
With humility, reorganise
Mid Day, Mumbai
Date: 2009-05-17
By: Tarun Vijay
Date: 2009-05-17
By: Tarun Vijay
THE sudden impact of the unexpected mandate shocked Congress and BJP both with different results. People are like that. The issues of terrorism, price rise, recession, corruption and black money were taken up, but the mandate went the other way and it must make BJP to think why it couldn't achieve its goal in spite of a supposedly favourably atmosphere.
The truth is BJP did well in its areas of influence, increased its tally in UP but couldn't gather extra mileage in areas where it was already on the margins like West Bengal, Andhra, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Also wherever the infighting was a page one matter for months, it couldn't assure voters and its support base about its good intentions.
Now what? Think together, be a constructive opposition and reorganise with an undiluted commitment to ideology giving leadership at various levels to the youth under the guidance of stalwarts. The genesis of Janasangh and later its reincarnation as BJP is rooted in the strong nationalism which is unapologetic about Hindutva. Thats how the world recognises us. It means justice for all and appeasement of none. It also means strong on security, working for an economic rejuvenation, providing best of education and housing and infrastructure and taking up poverty alleviation programmes.
BJP needs to transform itself as a youthful, ideologically committed party with universal values of friendship and harmony. The dreamy eyed young generation is marching ahead with vigour and a confidence to win. Let BJP become the flagbearer of that change reflected in the ideals of Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee and Pt Deendayal Upadhyaya, who had become leaders at a very young age when they were in early forties, and ironically both were murdered in mysterious circumstances.
Their martyrdom must light the path and their simplicity, idealism and rock like commitment be our charter of faith. Victory shall be ours undoubtedly.
The truth is BJP did well in its areas of influence, increased its tally in UP but couldn't gather extra mileage in areas where it was already on the margins like West Bengal, Andhra, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Also wherever the infighting was a page one matter for months, it couldn't assure voters and its support base about its good intentions.
Now what? Think together, be a constructive opposition and reorganise with an undiluted commitment to ideology giving leadership at various levels to the youth under the guidance of stalwarts. The genesis of Janasangh and later its reincarnation as BJP is rooted in the strong nationalism which is unapologetic about Hindutva. Thats how the world recognises us. It means justice for all and appeasement of none. It also means strong on security, working for an economic rejuvenation, providing best of education and housing and infrastructure and taking up poverty alleviation programmes.
BJP needs to transform itself as a youthful, ideologically committed party with universal values of friendship and harmony. The dreamy eyed young generation is marching ahead with vigour and a confidence to win. Let BJP become the flagbearer of that change reflected in the ideals of Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee and Pt Deendayal Upadhyaya, who had become leaders at a very young age when they were in early forties, and ironically both were murdered in mysterious circumstances.
Their martyrdom must light the path and their simplicity, idealism and rock like commitment be our charter of faith. Victory shall be ours undoubtedly.
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